Growth vs Development in Ethiopia

Growth vs Development in Ethiopia Part One Growth V/s Development w.r.t Ethiopia and Madhya Pradesh Ethiopia, the second most populous country in Africa, has been exhibiting stupendous and inconceivable set of numbers. With growth rates of double digit, the country is among the fastest growing economies in Africa. Ironically, regardless of its agriculture, mineral and hydrological resources Ethiopia is one of the poorest countries in the world. Irrespective of high economic growth rates, the economic development indicators are yet a matter of concern. HDI as low as 0.4 (HDI report 2014). This dejected story of Ethiopia elucidate that Economic Growth and Economic Development are two contrasting terms. Mercantilism, a school of economic thought, functioned only for the purpose of economic growth by capital accumulation (mainly gold). On the other hand, Physiocracy, another school of economic thought, believed on agro-based growth. These schools of thought did not know the concept of development. Sooner or later, people began to notice that the growth is not beneficial to all. The theory of ‘trickle down approach’ doesn’t seem to have a great impact. The quantity of capital accumulation was not enough to capture the actual increase in the living standard of the people. Hence, the concept of economic development emerged. Several efforts are made to capture development. One of the prominent was HDI, formed by Mehboob Ul Haq and Amartya Sen. These indicators take into account the necessary variables, which upgrade the life of an individual. Several other development indicators were dformed such as Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), which brings out the level of d eprivation in the country. General Mier describes development as â€Å"the process whereby the real PCI of a country increases over a long period of time subject to the stipulation that the number below absolute poverty line does not increase and that the distribution of the income does not become more unequal† Part Two Country Profile The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the horn of Africa. After the civil war against Eritrea, the Ethiopian government went through the following changes as follows: A political transition from totalitarian dictatorship to multiparty democracy. A transition from a socialistic planned economy to a capitalist market economy. This transition was a crucial change in the country. Post 1991, Ethiopia was struggling with its essentials and was yet to set a strong foundation for economic development, which should be the primary goal of every nation. The major issue faced by Ethiopia was: As the country had just come out of a war, health conditions in the country were critical. Malnutrition and starvation was at its peak as resources were used to brace war. Illiteracy rate was as high as 90 percent during 1974 and went down to almost 70 percent in 1991. The government had a vast challenge ahead with respect to education. Poverty headcount ratio at $2 a day (PPP) was as high as 85 percent of the population. (World bank) Inequality in the country was at a constant rise. Gender Inequality Index was at its extreme Conflicts among religious groups In 1990, Ethiopia experienced a population growth of 36.33% and 31.91% in 2010. This has not been the case with the growth in wealth and production. Such unequal growth has lead to a decline in the socio-economic condition in the country. Part Three – Analysis of Economic Growth and Economic Development in Ethiopia Economic Growth Analysis GDP: Health In the least developed countries, such as Ethiopia, health is not only a basic human right but also an urgent prerequisite for broad socio-economic development. Malnutrition and starvation is pre-dominant in the country. Ethiopia faces serious challenges in providing basic nutrition to its citizens. The country is highly depended on the foreign aid for food supply. The problem in nutrition can easily be seen in the Child Mortality and Infant mortality rate. Ethiopia lacks medical infrastructure irrespective of consistent effort by the government. However, in the urban areas, the issue is much better. Rural areas lack access to such facilities, as connectivity to these majors city remains limited. Moreover, the government has failed to provide proper medical infrastructure in the rural areas. As shown in the table above, the IMR (Infant Mortality Rate) and CMR (Child Mortality Rate) have decreased over the period of time, but these level remain unsatisfactory. 80 percent of the deaths are caused due to preventable communicable diseases. The approach of the government to cure rather than preventing diseases is highly criticized. Maximum number of births takes place at home, with very few women delivering at a well-equipped clinic. Lack of nutrition, as the country faces several drought years and famine condition. With an increasing population in the rural areas, the task of the government keeps getting tougher. An average woman in the rural areas gives birth to 6 children. The child mortality rate did decrease but was not swift enough to satisfy the government. Initiatives taken by the government to reduce mortality: Increasing child immunization coverage. The coverage reached to the extent of approximately 84 percent. Providing education to women with respect to becoming a mother. Why has the government failed? The Ethiopian government has been spending on medical infrastructure. It has also been receiving financial aid from western nations to expand and upgrade its medical facilities, but yet the government fails to bring down the IMR and CMR. Observing the procedure of the Ethiopian government, the following conclusion could be derived. According to researchers, the diseases are caused due to lack of clean drinking water, poor sanitation facilities and lack of nutrition. Health conditions of the mother has a huge impact on the child health. In order to have a great impact on the child mortality rate, the government should use the direct attack approach. It should focus on improving access to clean drinking water and solving sanitation issues. Building medical infrastructure is definitely necessary, but is the later part of the stage. If the disease is prevented by providing healthy growth conditions, the root cause of child mortality would be eliminated. Hence, the approach of the government to cure the diseases rather than preventing it with providing clean drinking water and improving sanitation conditions have not allowed economic growth to be converted into economic development. Education To build a strong education foundation for its young people, Ethiopia came up with Education Sector Development Program (ESDP). The implementation of this program started with the expansion of primary education, which resulted in a significant increase in access to primary education. The gross and net enrollment rate has seen a tremendous growth. At the beginning of 1991, the gross enrollment rate in primary schools (grades 1-8) was only 32 percent. This figure rose to as high as 95 percent by 2012. The figures exhibited look stupendous. But the reality looks totally different. Despite such large number of enrollment, the national literacy is still as low as 36% (UNDP) in 2011. Following are the hindrances in converting this economic growth into economic development: While sustaining the successful effort of high enrollment, the country also needs to pay greater attention on improving the quality of primary education. The schools built, especially in rural areas are not adequately equipped. This act as a barrier to a good quality education. One of the reasons could be lack of trained teachers. A sharp drop could be noticed in the period between year 2009 and 2010. (Refer appendix) Several parts of the country do not have proper access to schooling. Several children have to walk miles to for gaining handicapped education. The gender gap in enrollment ratio still persists. Girls are often pulled out of school to get married. Male children are pulled out to help the family work in fields. These are the factors that have created a barrier from converting the growth of high enrollment rate to be converted into an economic development for the country. Poverty By the end of 1991, approximately 45.5 percent of the population was living under poverty. This figure dropped down to 27.8 percent by the end of 2012. Ethiopia has successfully been able to reduce poverty but would definitely want to reduce this figure as much as possible. Ever since a new government was formed in 1995, majority of schemes and policies have been pro-poor. The government has looked at poverty eradication seriously. 80 percent of the population is dependent on agriculture as a source of living. In order to bring out people of poverty, the government needs to generate enough jobs in the country. Migration rates have been high as pay and living conditions are far better. This has led to brain drain in the economy as qualified Ethiopians left the country for self-benefit. The HDI of the country is 0.435, one of the lowest in the economy. The growth story of Ethiopia has been amazing when it comes to numbers. The economy has been posting double-digit growth rates but yet remains one of the poorest countries in the world. The high growth were an indication of inequality rising in the country. The Gini Index is 33.6. Gender Inequality Ethiopia is a patriarchal society that keeps women in a subordinate position. There is a belief that women are docile, submissive, patient, and tolerant of monotonous work and violence, for which culture is used as a justification. Gender disparity are largely seen in primary education enrollment Girls are forced to marry at an early age, against the legal age of marriage. Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is still practiced in the country. Health of women in the country is critical, particularly of women who are expecting a baby. FGM is also vulnerable to diseases in the long run Women in Ethiopia are suppressed due to social, religious and other reasons. The government has undertaken several policies and program for their betterment. Yet the key issues are not looked upon as follows: Empowering women through access to education as well as providing them with physical and financial resources is crucial to the long-term development of the country. Proper education would help in resource allocation and also adequate decision such a delayed marriage (generally not in the hands of the girl child) Adequate education would also enable the girl child to be an efficient mother as it would gain knowledge with respect to health. International Relation Foreign Aid A free financial aid will always be welcomed, but it also does have consequences if not used wisely. The challenges that an economy faces in receiving financial aid are as follows: Investment in favor of greater/mass consumption. With such large amount of money entering the economy, these cash flows are highly inflationary. As the aid comes in the form of foreign currency, this appreciates the value of local currency, making export more expensive in the international market. (Ethiopia highly depends on its export of coffee) Aid increases inflation, which leads to even more poverty and unemployment. To support this issue, the government asks for more aid which keeps on concentrating the issue. However, there are benefits of aid seen in the country. The government has been able to implement several of its policies with the help of such aid. A recently built highway to the capital, or be it the controversial dam in construction; the aid has contributed significantly to the nation. These aids also come as the rescue to the Ethiopians in situations of drought and famine. Foreign Direct Investment Due to lack of local investors, Ethiopia had to look for foreign investments. The Ethiopian government has not opened up the economy in all sectors as the banking system is still with the local authorities. FDI has become a major aspect of globalization. The major investment is seen in the land-leasing scheme launched by the government. The Ethiopian government has given out large part of lands to foreign companies in lease for agricultural purposes, without any restriction on the agricultural produce. Approximately as large as 6,00,000 hectares of land has been leased out to foreign companies Locals are being displaced in order to meet the requirements of these investors. Displaced locals are finding it difficult to sustain living. The benefits of these schemes are as follows: The foreign investors have brought in latest technology for agriculture, which the Ethiopians lacked. People were hired to work on the leased lands generating employment. The objective behind this scheme look relevant, however, the investors have exploited the scheme heavily and the government seems to have no control over it. Moreover, the scheme allows these investors to lease the land for really long periods, which wasn’t necessary. A shorter duration would have had the same impact to the economy. Also to make the scheme more citizens friendly, the government should’ve come up with better displacing techniques and improving the condition of living. The land-leasing scheme has increased the exports of the country as the investors export the produce to get better price than the local markets. This growth on the other hand has impacted the HDI of the economy as displaced population is facing serious issues. Several people have already fled away to neighboring countries as the government is leasing of land without consent. Bibliography Ethiopia Country Report- BTI 2014 Global Financial Crisis Discussion Series, Ethiopia Phase 2- Overseas Development Institute The Political Economy of Growth in Ethiopia, Chapter 4 of volume 2,-Alemayehu Geda Millennium Development Goal Report of Ethiopia- UNDP report Ethiopia Country Data-World Bank Appendix

Gender and sexuality Essay

Gender and sexuality has permeated the character of Latin American nations throughout history. Latin America has demonstrated examples of the manipulation of gender as a means of a nation’s government asserting its political and social control, and the history of the Cuban Revolution shows that Cuba is among such nations. Since its infancy in 1959 and through the 1990s, the Cuban revolutionary government has managed to achieve a well-documented history of oppressive practices that has made the Cuban government the subject of much worldwide criticism and scrutiny over the years. Among the root of this oppression is a commitment to political and social control along gender lines for a greater nationalistic cause. Not unlike other Latin American nations, gender roles as they are recognized in Cuba have been constructed and forcefully prescribed by the government. The citizens of the nation have been socialized to discern between masculine and feminine traits, as well understand why certain traits are desirable while others are not. These determinations have had far-reaching consequences in the cultural realm of Cuban society. Social circles are designed partly upon a person’s recognition of and adherence to specific gender roles. A part of the Cuban revolutionary government’s use of gender for political and social control is its attitude toward and relationship with male homosexuality. The systematic persecution of homosexuals in Cuba has been used by the state in an insular fashion against its citizens for the purpose of controlling them, but also as an outward political maneuver of serves to uphold national dignity and honor as part of a Cuban national identity that is to be recognized and respected throughout the rest of the world. In addition to this paper’s thesis being based on the Cuban revolutionary government’s use of gender and sexuality as a tool of political and social control, the notion of patriarchy is a theory that is central to this thesis. Part of Cuba’s national identity is the patriarchal nature of its government, which not only applies to the relationship between the state and its citizens, but also applies to the relationship between Cuba and other nations. Dominance and strength, two factors upon which patriarchy is based, are what Cuba stands to project to larger, more powerful nations as a symbol of an exalted position in the world. As discussed in the paper, Cuba’s patriarchal government uses its rejection of homosexuality outwardly as a tactic of resisting and rejecting the systems and ideals of nations that the Cuban Revolution finds itself to be fundamentally at odds with. Evidence of this can be found in works such as Ian Lumsden’s Machos, Maricones, and Gays: Cuba and Homosexuality. The arguments made in this paper are written around various primary documents that not only support the central thesis, but also serve as a base for extended discussion of certain elements that have contributed to a greater part of a nation’s history. One such element is the notion of gender roles and norms being defined and prescribed by the state, which in turn affects its society’s views. This includes the legal and penal mechanisms through which the prescriptions are upheld. Legal enforcement leads to a second element, which is nationalism as the motive for the state’s manipulation of gender and sexuality. This control of the Cuban people is part of a greater political agenda: ensuring the success of the Cuban Revolution. A part of this political maneuver is maintaining the honor of the nation and defending its worldwide image. A third and final element is the concept of cultures and governments undergoing change over a period of time. Such changes include the state’s gender-based ideas and prescriptions, as well as the catalysts for such change. These changes are ultimtately reflected in the attitudes of a nation’s people. The film â€Å"Fresa y Chocolate† is one of the primary sources that this paper is written around. Set in Cuba circa 1979, â€Å"Fresa y Chocolate† reflects the attitudes toward homosexuality that were the norm in Cuba during the first couple of decades of the Cuban revolution, and also depicts the government’s use of gender and sexuality to advance its own political agenda. What qualities make or do not make the revolutionary? What place does a homosexual have in the Cuban revolution? What is homosexuality supposed to mean to the communist youth? These are questions that â€Å"Fresa y Chocolate† raises and helps answer. The other primary documents that this paper is written around are the writings of controversial gay Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas. This paper discusses some examples of the persecution that Arenas endured as a homosexual coming up during the Cuban Revolution. From physical attacks and censorship to arrests and imprisonment, Arenas symbolized to the Cuban revolutionary government the classic threat to the patriarchal state that the government feared and aimed to neutralize. Although writings from a persecuted homosexual in Cuba stand to possibly reflect certain biases, it is important to look at alternate points of view with the purpose of still supporting the basic arguments conveyed herein. For that reason, this paper will also discuss the works of writers such as Rafael L. Ramirez and Rafael Ocasio, who did not emerge from a situation similar to that of Arenas’s. Ocasio explains that Reinaldo Arenas initially expressed interest in the Cuban Revolution, having left home at the age of fifteen to become a guerilla fighter for Fidel Castro. (14) Arenas was rejected due to his young age and the fact that he had no firearms. His enthusiasm for supporting Castro eventually waned, however, and it was the sexual repression that Arenas encountered at his boarding school that began his discontent with the Castro regime. (17) Ocasio cites the reprisal that students faced if caught committing homosexual acts. In addition to expulsion, school officials also went as far as detailing the nature of student’s transgression in school records, thereby barring these homosexual students from other state-run schools. According to Ocasio, Arenas stated that arrest and incarceration could also result from certain instances of such activity. (17) This made Arenas aware of politically-related persecution of homosexuals as an adolescent. Systematic, state-sanctioned persecution of homosexuals is further exemplified by the nighttime roundups of homosexuals organized by Cuban police, a practice that traces back to 1961. The earliest documented case of this is known as the Night of the Three Ps (prostitutes, pimps, y pederasts). Gay playwright Virgilio Pinera was among those who were arrested. (Ocasio 24) These raids were purely politically-motivated, for as Salas explains, police targeted anything they found in these raids that appeared to be antisocial or non-conformist, including clothing or hairstyles deemed inappropriate. In support of this, Salas cites an instance in which a Young Communist League leader was arrested in one of the raids despite not being involved in any homosexual activity. Police targeted him because of his long hair, which was cut by authorities. The man was released once he confirmed his identity. (155) Homosexuals targeted in these raids were considered part of a greater antisocial element that the government sought to eliminate. Ocasio explains that while officials assigned prostitutes to schools where they could supposedly be rehabilitated, Castro stated that homosexuals would be barred from the possibility of having any influence in cultural life, schools, or the arts. (24) The aforementioned roundups of homosexuals organized by Cuban police had an affect on Cuba’s intellectual community, and was only one example of the Castro regime’s politically-inspired oppression. Various official statements were made by the Cuban government against homosexuals as part of a nationwide campaign promoting proper ethical policies that fostered acceptable revolutionary behavior. It was clear that writers such as Arenas and artists such as Pinera were not seen by the new regime as conducive to the political achievement to which the Cuban revolutionary government aspired. This is supported by Castro’s famous â€Å"Words to Intellectuals† speech, which Ocasio cites as the first official statement made by the Cuban revolutionary government that determined the boundaries within which revolutionary writers and artists were to operate: â€Å"What are the rights of writers and artists, revolutionary or not? In support of the Revolution, every right; against the Revolution, no rights. † Homosexual persecution rooted in the Cuban revolutionary cause is indicative of the revolutionary government’s concept of what it referred to as the New Man. In Social Control and Deviance in Cuba, author Luis Salas discusses the state’s concept of the New Man as Cuba’s ideal revolutionary, which allows no place for a homosexual in the revolution. (166) According to Salas, such a question was clearly answered by Fidel Castro with the following statement: â€Å"Nothing prevents a homosexual from professing revolutionary ideology and consequently, exhibiting a correct political position. In this case he should not be considered politically negative. And yet we would never come to believe that a homosexual could embody the conditions and requirements of conduct that would enable us to consider him a true revolutionary, a true Communist militant. A deviation of that nature clashes with the concept we have of what a militant Communist must be. † Salas contends that to the Cuban revolutionary, the New Man represents strength, honor, and â€Å"connotes maleness and virility. †(166) Conversely, homosexuality is considered to represent weakness, a classically feminine trait. The strength needed to be a true revolutionary is something that the Cuban revolutionary government saw in the uncorrupted youth of Cuba. The youth of the nation was regarded by the state as â€Å"one of the most treasured possessions of the nation† that was expected contribute to the success of the revolution, and as such, was to be protected from â€Å"a group viewed as seducers of small children. †(167) This aforementioned political attitude with regards to homosexuals in relation to the communist youth of Cuba was reflected in the film â€Å"Fresa y Chocolate. † In the film, David is a young communist university student who initially views an older homosexual artist named Diego as someone who is to be avoided and not to be trusted. David’s roommate Miguel is even more militant in his revolutionary, homophobic stance, and resorts to using David to spy on Diego due to his belief that Diego is a danger to the revolutionary cause and thus cannot be trusted. Although Diego eventually befriends David, there is a mutual understanding between both characters of the dangers that such a friendship can pose to a young communist like David, and David makes it clear to Diego that they are not to be seen together in public. This depiction is indicative of the state’s effort to socialize its youth towards anti-homosexual sentiment by portraying homosexuals as political obstacles and enemies of the state in order to influence public opinion and sway political action in the government’s favor. As Leiner explains, homosexuality played a role in Cuba’s prerevolutionary tourism economy, for the widespread solicitation of male prostitutes by gay tourists contributed to the economy. Furthermore, the stratification of prerevolutionary Cuba also lured many heterosexual working-class men into the underworld of homosexual prostitution in order to earn a living. According to Leiner, the homosexual bourgeoisie largely controlled this underworld as did American organized crime, which managed the lucrative, but seedy occupational sector based on prostitution, drugs, and gambling. Such an aspect of prerevolutionary Cuban history is indicative of fears present among state officials in revolutionary Cuba, who perceived homosexuality as fertile ground for the re-emergence of American imperialism, the bourgeoisie, and classism in Cuban society. This is consistent with Lumsden’s contention of revolutionary Cuba’s regulation of gender and sexuality in Cuba being a part of the state’s willingness to overcome underdevelopment and resist American efforts to prevent the revolution from succeeding. (xxi) According to Salas, gays were a remnant of capitalism in the eyes of the militant Cuban revolutionary. According to the Cuban government, the New Man was not motivated by the decadence and wanton lusts that characterize homosexuality, which the government believe was associated with the selfishness that marked capitalist societies. In a speech given on July 26, 1968, Fidel Castro characterized the revolution’s ideal New Man as possessing an altruistic and humanistic nature: â€Å"In a communist society, man will have succeeded in achieving just as much understanding, closeness, and brotherhood as he has on occasion achieved within the narrow circle of his own family. To live in a communist society is to live without selfishness, to live among the people, as if every one of our fellow citizens were really our dearest brother. † In addition to the idealism of Castro’s statement, there is also the character of the language behind his statement that is undoubtedly male as well as overwhelmingly exclusionary. The ideals promoted by Castro in the above excerpt can just as easily be prescribed to women for them to live by such ideals, but the â€Å"macho/socialist amalgam questioned whether male homosexuals could. †(Leiner 27) Leiner explains a study conducted by esteemed commentator Lourdes Casal, who analyzed the influence that the Cuban revolution had on Cuban literature. According to Leiner, Casal discovered a general disdain for homosexuals reflected in over 100 novels. Casal contended that the rejection of homosexuality was the rejection of femininity. Accusing a man of being a homosexual was to be considered an assault on that man’s masculinity, and was considered synonymous with deeming that man a female who is devoid of strength â€Å"and unworthy of holding power. â€Å"(23) Such a meaning prescribed to the title â€Å"homosexual† underscores the nature of the Cuban government’s patriarchal structure, in which power is directly associated with being a man both physically and sexually. Leiner also explains that in revolutionary Cuban society, the perception of homosexuality – and therefore, femininity – went beyond mere sexual preference. Physical weakness and lack of muscularity, a lack of interest in physical competition, the display of a quiet demeanor, or a gentle, nurturing or sensitive nature were enough to raise suspicion of homosexuality. According to Leiner, such qualities were perceived as weak and inferior, and therefore effeminate. The strong, abrasive, and competitive male was above suspicion of homosexuality. (22) The question of why homosexuals were perceived by the state as counter to the revolution remains partly unanswered. In addition to the Cuban government’s belief that homosexuals possessed undesirable qualities such as weakness, cowardice, and perversion, the state’s view of homosexuals as a danger to the institution that is the traditional family further compelled the state and the society it influenced to write homosexuals off as â€Å"antithetical to a socialist society. †(Leiner 25) Lesbian playwright Ana Maria Simo was jailed for four-and-a-half months in 1965 and also suffered shock treatment to â€Å"correct† her simply due to her associating with people who were suspected of being homosexual. She was not a lesbian at the time. She states that she and her friends were political individualists and anarchistic, and that is what bothered the government, not their being gay. (Ocasio 30) According to Leiner, lesbians were no cause of concern for the revolutionary government. Leiner states that Lourdes Casal found no mention, or even the vaguest hint of evidence of concern over lesbianism in either the pre- or post-revolutionary literary works that she analyzed. This is a manifestation of the Cuban government’s patriarchal structure in that the government’s complete absence of concern over the lesbianism in Cuba is indicative of the government’s â€Å"relegation of women as secondary, lesser ‘others. ‘†(Leiner 23) Unlike homosexuals, lesbians posed no threat to the Cuban revolutionary cause, for the revolution never looked to women for signs of strength or power upon which the government could rely in order to ensure the success of the revolution. However, lesbians, even those who displayed overly masculine qualities, were still considered women just as homosexual males were, and both were deemed unqualified for revolutionary status by the state. Standards of gender and sexuality were prescribed and legitimized by the revolutionary state, thus criminalizing homosexuality. The government’s enforcement of its prescriptions has been carried out via formal as well as informal means. A prime example of a formal method of this enforcement is penal legislation. Such legislation involving homosexuality can be found in two sections of the Cuban statutes. In one section of the statutes, legislation involves the relation between homosexuality and the state’s concept of social dangerousness. Article 73 of the Cuban Penal Code regulates social dangerousness, and cites behavior deemed antisocial as its target. In Cuba, homosexuality has been legally deemed antisocial. (Salas 151) Lumsden cites the use of the word antisocial as a code to describe displays of homosexuality deemed ostentatious. (83) According to Salas, anti-homosexual legislation was considered a preventive measure, for the display of so much as even an attitude that authorities perceived as antisocial justified police intervention. (Salas 153) These laws stem from government fears, such as the fear of the threat that homosexuality poses to the traditional family structure. There is also the government’s fear of homosexuality hindering the success of the revolution, of which the fear of homosexuals corrupting the nation’s youth is a part. (Salas 154) The latter fear can explain homosexual males receiving much harsher punishments for having sex with underage boys compared to the punishments that males faced for having sex with underage females. (Lumsden 82) The fact that laws pertaining to homosexuality are in a section of the Penal Code that pertains to violations against sexual development and sexual relations that are considered normal is indicative of the state’s perception of homosexuality as a condition that is contagious and leads to pedophilia. For this reason, Article 317 also includes the act of propositioning an adult for homosexual sex in its permanent barring of convicted sex offenders from the teaching profession and any other field in which such an adult stands to have authority or potential influence over children. (Lumsden 84) Aside from the Cuban revolutionary government’s fears related to the issue of homosexuality, the eagerness of some government officials to enforce anti-homosexual law is also indicative of their determination to remain above suspicion of being homosexual for their own fear of legal and social reprisal at the hands of the government. Examples of this are provided by Reinaldo Arenas in his highly acclaimed autobiography Before Night Falls, in which he discusses various sexual encounters he had with homosexual government officials in Cuba. Arenas cited an incident in which a police officer with whom he had just had sexual intercourse actually arrested Arenas â€Å"for being queer. † â€Å"Perhaps he thought that by being the active partner he had not done anything wrong,† Arenas stated. This statement by Arenas is a clear reference to the commonly held perception of the active, penetrating partner in a sexual act between two men not being a homosexual because his dominant position is considered a product of masculinity and power. This perception is diametrically opposed to the perception of the penetrated partner, for this partner assumes a role that is subordinate to the dominant penetrator, thus representing the role of a woman. In Arenas’s aforementioned discussion of his arrest, he stated that at the police station, the arresting officer attempted to explain his arresting Arenas by falsely accusing Arenas of groping him. However, Arenas managed to prove the officer’s involvement in the homosexual act by quickly admitting to the other officers that he still had the officer’s semen on his body, thus making the officer the subject of much surprise and scorn from his colleagues and work superiors. As part of his account of this incident, Arenas alluded to the revolutionary government’s belief that it is not possible for a homosexual male to possess the qualities that makes a true revolutionary. At the same time, Arenas also made a reference to the belief of a homosexual male being equivalent to a woman: â€Å"They ended up saying it was a shame that a member of the police force would engage in such acts, because I, after all, had my weakness, but for him, being a man, there was no excuse for getting involved with a queer. † Because he managed to achieve a position as a police officer in the Cuban revolutionary government, which included a convincing display of the masculine traits that the Cuban government believed were instrumental to the composition of a true revolutionary, the police officer was undoubtedly a â€Å"man† in the eyes of the state, whereas Arenas was not. The engendering of the passive and active partner in homosexual intercourse is not exclusive to Cuban revolutionary society, however. In What It Means to Be a Man, Casper and Ramirez cite the bugarron, a term used in Puerto Rican society to describe a male who is always the one to penetrate the male partner, yet always considers himself heterosexual. The bugarron blatantly dismisses the notion of his partner’s masculinity, and confirms his partner as the â€Å"woman† of the situation by calling his partner names such as mujer, mami, mamita, or loca. (96) Furthermore, the bugarron’s â€Å"usage of sexuality is highly ritualized to conserve his manhood and avoid being questioned about it. †(Casper, Ramirez 97) The desire to only be a penetrator and never a recipient of penetration serves as a political metaphor. The perception of a penetrator as heterosexual and undeniably male is underscored by masculine traits such as strength and dominance. Pingueros, a name given to male prostitutes in Cuba who only penetrate and refuse to be penetrated, represent the conquering of foreign bodies when solicited by gay tourists. (Chant, Kraske 139) This representation mirrors the notion of Cuba not just fending off but successfully invading and â€Å"screwing back† the imperialist, capitalist nation that has – or might wish to – exploit Cuba for its own self-interests. Just like the concept of prescribing gender to an active and passive partner in sexual intercourse between two men was reached over time by way of changing attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions, attitudes and behaviors toward homosexuality in general changing over time is also to be considered. Cultures are not static; they change over time, as do the notions of gender and sexuality in a culture. (Casper, Ramirez 27) Over the past decades, Cuba has witnessed a certain degree of change in attitudes and actions toward homosexuality on behalf of Cuban society at large as well as on behalf of the state.

A tragicomedy is a comedy with serious elements or overtones*. To what extent can the History boys be classed a tragicomedy?

The play is comic and shows clear features of comedies throughout, such as slapstick humour and farce. This is combined with ‘serious elements’ (often used for humour) such as Hector fiddling the boys, which fits in with the genre of tragicomedy. The debate rises where the serious elements seem not to fit into a comedy, such as the protagonist dying, potentially preventing a happy ending. Some argue there are too many elements that do not fit into the genre of comedies, for ‘The History Boys’ to even be classed a tragicomedy. Serious elements are used for humour in the play, which fits into the definition of a comedy with serious ‘overtones’. The obvious example for this is Hector fiddling with the boys. When Dakin asks Scripps ‘What happened with Hector? On the bike? ’ he replies with comic dialogue, saying ‘I think he thought he’d got me going. In fact it was Tudor Economics Documents, Volume Two’ (pg21). This line always gets a laugh from the audience, and the humour fits into the genre of comedies. As the boys do not take the paedophilia seriously (the audience is aware Scripps is not affected, as he cracks a joke and acts normal), the audience do not either. This distancing effect of comedy allows the ‘serious elements’ to be viewed in a comic, light-hearted way, which fits in to the definition of a tragicomedy. Another example is when Hector hits the boys for using ‘foul, festering, grubby-minded’ language. This is slapstick humour, commonly found in comedies, originating out of a serious ‘element’ of a teacher hitting their students. However, some would argue the play couldn’t be classed as a comedy at all, as it does not have a happy ending, which is vital for comedies. The protagonist, Hector, ‘came off’ his motorbike in a crash. Scripps makes what happened to Hector clear when he says ‘someone dies at school and you remember it all your life’(pg 106). Normally in a tragicomedy the ending will have a sense of catharsis, but there is arguably not one in the play, as it ends on what seems to be his funeral, where (according to stage directions) there are ‘photographs of Hector as a young man’(pg106). The reflection on Hector’s life is melancholy and the tragic effect of Hector’s death negatively affects the boys, as Scripps ‘remember(s)’ it all his life. Despite this, it is possible to argue the ending is cathartic and does fit in to a genre of comedy and tragicomedy. In response to Hector’s death, the audience could see it as an optimistic release for Hector from a life of discontent: his marriage is passionate- his wife married him for ‘lukewarm attentions’ (pg92), his career is over as ‘boys have become work’(pg95), his future is ‘buying a van, filling it with books and taking it round country markets’(pg94). Read also History Quizzes Also, there is the ‘splenid news’ of all the boys getting into Oxbridge- even Rudge (the ‘dumb’ character, often a feature of comedies). This is particularly cathartic, as it structurally mirrors how Dakin explains to Hector (and consequently the audience) that they are ‘all going in for Oxford and Cambridge’ in the third scene. This was the purpose of the boys being at the school for this period, and was commonplace in society at the time, when there was (and still is) huge competition to get into Oxbridge (the top two universities of Britain*). For the audience to watch them work for it and achieve their aspirations, a sense of catharsis is created, resulting in a happy ending, especially as the boys are mainly successful in their future lives, becoming ‘solicitors’ and ‘chartered accountants’(pg107). As the ending is happy, it can fit into the genre of tragicomedy. Some would argue that the character of Posner prevents the play being a comedy. He is outcast and isolated throughout. Posner perfectly demonstrates his problems in a list, saying ‘I’m a Jew. I’m small. I’m homosexual. And I live in Sheffield. I’m fucked. ’ He is even viewed as an outcast by Hector, who dismisses him, saying ‘never mind’ when Posner volunteers for a lift when Hector asks if he ‘can give someone a lift’(pg17). Normally in a comedy, an outcast will find redemption and improve his/her life, resulting in a happy ending. This is not the case. Posner drops out of university and is the only boy who leads a terrible life. This is shown in a structural shift where Mrs. Lintott describes the boys’ future. Posner ‘lives alone†¦ has periodic breakdowns’ and only has friends ‘on the Internet’(Pg108). This tragedy is heightened by the fact that Posner was the cleverest boys- ironic for the audience, as they would be aware of this wasted potential. Bennett also based Posner on himself, as when he was a teenager he was under-developed, which made his ‘school days unhappy’. Posner seems to represent the stereotypical outcast. A character like this, some argue, is so tragic it (along with a couple of other factors, such as the ending debatably not being happy) prevents the play from being a comedy and therefore a tragicomedy. This argument can be countered by the view that serious messages are often at the heart of tragicomedies. As Ustinov said, ‘comedy is simply a funny way of being serious’. This dates back to Shakespearean time, where the dangers of irrational love are portrayed in a humorous forest scene in A Midsummers Night Dream. Bennett could be raising the serious issue of teaching methods, as Posner was the only one that failed, but the ‘only one who truly took everything to heart’(Pg108) from Hector. This suggests Irwin’s methods are better, which rings true in Bennett’s personal life, who claimed he used Irwin’s methods to get in to Oxford. Furthermore, Posner contributes to the genre of comedy by creating humour. Verbal humour is used when he lists his problems and concludes that he is ‘fucked’, one of play’s famous lines. There are other serious messages throughout the play that also create humour, such as Hector’s message of ‘pass the parcel’ with literature. For example, Hector making the boys recite poems and being appalled by Irwin’s suggestion to use quotations he had taught to be ‘trotted out to make a point’(Pg48) is a form of absurd behaviour, common in comedies. A teacher’s job is to help make students make points and do well in exams- Hector does not see this. These ‘serious elements’ have important messages, but also create humour, which fits in to the genre of tragicomedy. Erma Bombeck once said â€Å"there is a thin line that separates laughter and pain, comedy and tragedy, humour and hurt†.

Capital Punishment Is Cruel And Unusual - 1092 Words

Although many people believe that capital punishment is cruel and unusual. It is the only punishment that can truly compensate the loss of a loved one. In recent years, the rate of serious crimes has increased. The increase of crime is the result of less effective punishment. Dating back to early civilizations, capital punishment, also known as the death penalty, was viewed as an effective punishment. Yet today’s society it is viewed as cruel and inhumane. I believe that capital punishment should be executed more often because; the rate of serious crime will decrease, free up prison space, and would serve as the ultimate warning. What is capital punishment? Capital punishment is the lawful way to take a person’s life, once convicted of a serious crime, such as first-degree murder. Some people agree it is the most appropriate punishment to all vile murder cases (Williams), but others call it cruel and unconstitutional. There are a variety of methods in the death penalty. 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